The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) has warned of an impending scandal in mitigation measures ahead of the anticipated El Nino rains.
In a letter to various Constitutional Commissions and independent offices and copied to the clerks of the National Assembly, Senate, and all county governments, EACC Chief Executive Officer Twalib Mbaraka called on all county governments to strictly comply with procurement laws.
"It has come to the attention of the Commission that there is disregard of the law, in the initiation and implementation of some mitigation measures, which is likely to give room for financial impropriety and embezzlement of public funds," said EACC.
Mbarak has at the same time advised that all procurement and expenditure undertaken by the National Government, ministries, and departments including the county government in the El Nino mitigation measures to adhere to the Public Finance Management Act and regulation.
"Accounting officers will be held personally liable for any loss, unauthorised expenditure, or misuse of public funds," said Mbarak.
The weatherman had in August this year warned of early signs of El Nino rains beginning September 2023 that was to last until January 2023 across the country.
Both the National and County governments swung into action putting in place mitigation plans and interventions aimed at managing the effects of the disruptive rains. By Mate Tongola, The Standard
The accused will reappear before the courts on November 3. (Seychelles Nation)
(Seychelles News Agency) - The Seychelles Magistrates' Court on Monday charged eight individuals including Dr Patrick Herminie, the leader of United Seychelles, the main opposition party, in an ongoing witchcraft case.
The other individuals who have been charged are Alli Said, a Tanzanian national, and six Seychellois - Yvon Legaie from Ma Joie, Jules Radegonde from La Digue, Kenneth Evenor from Grand Anse Mahe, Simon Dine from Anse Aux Pins, Marcel Naiken from Baie Lazare and Bashir Umarji from Quincy Village.
The accused were summoned to court for the charges of being in possession of anything intended to be used for the purpose of witchcraft, conspiracy to exercise witchcraft, counselling and procuring another person in exercising witchcraft and soliciting any person to advise on any matter for any purpose whatsoever by witchcraft.
Seven of the accused signed a SCR30,000 ($2,094) bail bond for their release while the Tanzanian national remains in police custody.
The Tanzanian national was arrested by the authorities at the Seychelles International Airport on Thursday, September 21, in possession of a number of items that have been linked to witchcraft.
Among the items were black wooden artifacts, stones, small bottles of brownish liquid, an assortment of powders, and a number of documents with strange language and symbols that were described as demonic and satanic.
It was through police interrogation of the Tanzanian national that the names of the five Seychellois suspects were mentioned and subsequently apprehended. Herminie told reporters on Friday that when he asked about why he was being arrested for witchcraft, the police responded by telling him that his name had appeared in a Whatsapp exchange between a Seychellois and a Tanzanian man.
Dr Patrick Herminie, who earlier this year expressed his intention to stand as a candidate for the presidential elections in 2025, said that his arrest was a politically motivated attempt to destroy his image and that of his party.
The accused will reappear before the courts on November 3.
The witchcraft case is related to the investigation of an incident where two dug up corpses were discovered on August 8 at the Takamaka cemetery on the main island of Mahe.
The bodies of an elderly woman and a young man were found next to a pyramid composed of blocks and pieces from other graves, as well as the images of President Wavel Ramkalawan, Herminie, and two other individuals, who were not named by the police.
Furthermore, the prosecution has said that the symbols on the documents found in the Tanzanian's possession were similar to symbols found in places that were vandalised in Seychelles among which were Catholic churches around the island. By: Rita Joubert-Lawen Edited by: Betymie Bonnelame, SNA
The toxic political environment that has enveloped the country recently should be a trigger to renew calls for meaningful electoral reforms.
What many analysts today perceive as anger from a section of the opposition is a reflection of the fact that they feel the government has deliberately dilly-dallied on the core electoral reforms that would give them a fair chance during an election.
The responsibility of tabling reforms essentially falls on the two arms of government: the executive and the legislature. In the previous election cycles, the executive has chosen to play the long game.
When former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi unsuccessfully contested the outcome of the 2016 elections, the Supreme court recommended that electoral reforms be undertaken within two years of swearing in of a new parliament to avoid “hastily enacted legislation.”
But this was never the case. Instead, parliament waited up to the last minute to table reforms heading into the 2021 elections. They included adopting technology in the management of elections such as electronic transmission of results by returning officers.
Parliament also proposed expanding the period within which to file a presidential petition. It can be filed from 10 days to 15 days. This had been recommended by the Supreme court, which said 10 days were inadequate for a petitioner to gather all evidence from across the country.
The court also called for the expansion of days within which a new presidential election should be held in the event of an annulment of an election - from 20 days to 60 days, which the executive accepted as it hastily tried to push through the reforms.
Yet these reforms, some of which were adopted, did not touch the core issues that the opposition had been vouching for. For instance, the opposition has always yearned for a truly independent electoral commission in word and deed.
The initial proposal was to have members of the electoral commission appointed by an independent body like the Judicial Service Commission and taken through a transparent public vetting process - a departure from the current norm where they are appointed by the sitting president.
What the executive did in the run-up to the 2021 elections was to affix the word “Independent” and call it the Independent Electoral Commission. But in substance, it stayed the same. In essence, this did not change anything for the opposition, which has severally claimed that the current composition of the EC gives the incumbent unfair advantage.
Some opposition politicians such as Dr Kizza Besigye have said it is virtually impossible to defeat President Museveni through an election. Therefore, the sentiments expressed by NUP president Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine at his rally in Luweero is just a reflection of this anger.
The anger that begs the question: why can’t these massive crowds that turn up at the rallies translate into electoral victory?
The answer lies in having impactful electoral reforms, which, if well adhered to, will lead to a smooth political transition. This is what needs to be done. The involvement of security personnel in an election needs to be well stipulated and regulated. The Electoral Commission needs to be independent and have security of tenure.
The process of transmitting results needs not only to be electronic; it must also be more transparent like we saw in Kenya. All the declaration forms from the various polling stations must be thoroughly verified and accessible electronically to all members of the public through the EC web portal.
Yet, the most important of the reforms is to trim the powers of the incumbent over certain matters pertaining to elections during a campaign.
There had been a proposal in 2011 by the civil society for the president to momentarily step down during the campaigns and hand the reins to the Chief Justice (since the vice president and speaker may be viewed as partial and in Uganda’s case could be running for elections) but this was shot down.
As it stands now, the political ground is not level. An incumbent in an election still wields much power and can shape the electoral process the way he or she likes. There is nothing under the law that stops an incumbent, who is the commander in chief, from, say, issuing orders that restrict the operations of his or her rivals in case of a national security or health threat like we saw during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Since the incumbent appoints members of the Electoral Commission, the commissioners can’t call him or her to order in case he or she violates an electoral law during the campaigns.
There is nothing that can stop the incumbent from shutting down the internet or social media platforms like we witnessed in 2021. Without meaningful reforms, some analysts believe the country could be headed for tougher times because political players may channel the anger into something else. Something worse.
By Edris Kiggundu, The author is a journalist and political analyst.
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