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Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images© Provided by The Guardian

UN report calling on countries to consider financial reparations for transatlantic slavery has been hailed as a significant step forward by campaigners.

The report by the UN secretary general, António Guterres, said no country had comprehensively accounted for the past and addressed the legacy of the mass enslavement of people of African descent for more than 400 years. 

“Under international human rights law, compensation for any economically assessable damage, as appropriate and proportional to the gravity of the violation and the circumstances of each case, may also constitute a form of reparations,” the report said.

“In the context of historical wrongs and harms suffered as a result of colonialism and enslavement, the assessment of the economic damage can be extremely difficult owing to the length of time passed and the difficulty of identifying the perpetrators and victims.”

The report stressed, however, that the difficulty in making a legal claim to compensation “cannot be the basis for nullifying the existence of underlying legal obligations”.

Campaigners have described the report as an important step forward in the fight for reparative justice.

Bell Ribeiro-Addy, the Labour MP and chair of the all-party parliamentary group on Afrikan reparations, said: “This is a hugely significant step for the international reparations movement. For decades, grassroots organisations have fought for this level of recognition for their claim. 

“Those who were enslaved were not in a position to push for reparations, but their descendants who continue to suffer the impact of African chattel slavery are.”

She added: “UK civil society organisations are coming together in Black History Month to discuss this more widely as the all-party parliamentary group on Afrikan reparations hosts its inaugural conference – Charting a Pathway to Reparations.”

Michael McEachrane, a researcher and member of the UN permanent forum on people of African descent, agreed the report was “a huge step forward”, but added it came amid significant recent activity on the international stage.

McEachrane said: “There seems to be a big emphasis on reparations as a matter of financial compensation [in the report]. Various initiatives at the UN level, including the Caricom call for reparatory justice, moves way beyond a conception of reparations as a matter of financial compensation.

“There is no financial compensation for 500 years of enslavement and colonialism, and what most of us are calling for is a systemic and structural transformation.”

A recent report by the UN permanent forum on people of African descent, which was sent to the human rights council and general assembly, also called for reparative justice.

McEachrane said: “To address the lasting consequences of these histories – in terms of inequities, structural and systemic injustices, lack of equal enjoyment of human dignity and rights – that will include financing, but the point is not the financial compensation, but the structural and systemic transformation.”

The secretary general’s report concluded that states should consider a “plurality of measures” to address the legacies of enslavement and colonialism, including pursuing justice and reparations, and contributing to reconciliation.

A leading UN judge stated recently that the UK would no longer be able to ignore the growing calls for reparation for transatlantic slavery.

In April the prime minister, Rishi Sunak, refused to apologise for the UK’s role in the slave trade or to commit to paying reparations.

Judge Patrick Robinson, who presided over the trial of the former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milošević, said the international tide on slavery reparations was shifting and called on the UK to change its stance.

Robinson said: “I believe that the UK will not be able to resist this movement towards the payment of reparations: it is required by history and it is required by law.” 

 by Aamna Mohdin Community affairs correspondent, Guardian
 
The Media Council of Kenya has condemned attacks on journalists in Machakos. [Peter Ochieng, Standard]

The Media Council of Kenya (MCK) has condemned the attacks on journalists who were covering a security operation at an illegal alcohol brewing den in Matungulu, Machakos County on Monday.

The journalists, Mike Ndunda from Kamba TV, Richard Muasya from Athiani FM and Boniface Mutisya from Mutongoi TV, had been invited by the local chief Francis Mulinge to cover the raid in Katine area.However, they were attacked by a group of individuals as they recorded the operation.

The MCK said that the attacks violated the journalists’ basic human rights and undermined the principles of free speech and open discourse that are vital for a democratic society. 

“Freedom of the press is a fundamental pillar of a democratic society, and journalists play a crucial role in keeping the public informed by highlighting societal evils. It is essential that journalists can carry out their work without fear of violence or intimidation,” MCK CEO David Omwoyo said in a press statement on Tuesday, September 19.

Omwoyo urged the law enforcement authorities to take swift and decisive action to investigate and prosecute those responsible for the attacks, which it said were crimes against the journalists’ rights and privileges protected by law under the Constitution and the Media Council Act, 2013.

“Protecting the safety and freedom of journalists is a shared responsibility, and we must all work together to ensure that they can continue to do their vital work without fear of violence or reprisal,” said Omwoyo. 

He encouraged anyone aggrieved by the media to report any complaints to the Complaints Commission, which is legally mandated to mediate on the same, instead of taking the law into their own hands. By David Njaaga, The Standard

Ghana's parliament
 

Democracy derives from two Greek words: “demos (people) and kratos (rule)”, which when put together become demokratos (democracy) — meaning people’s rule, or rule by the people.  

Consequently, democracy is defined as “a system of government in which state power is vested in the people, or the general population of a state”.

On the other side of democracy is oligarchy — which is defined as “a small group of people having control over a country or organisation”. 

Given the situation in which we find ourselves today, the question is: are we practising democracy or oligarchy?  

From all indications, our nascent, straggling democracy is discreetly skidding into oligarchy.

Does the 1992 Constitution emphatically “vest state power in the people?” Is our Parliament sincerely representing the people, or it is representing the interests of its members, the executive and the political parties? Is Parliament’s blatant partisanship worthwhile? 

The opinions of millions of ordinary citizens in the bottom third of the income distribution have no discernible impact on the behaviour and decisions of their elected representatives.

What about our political parties?  Are they truly all-inclusive and people-centered, or they are a club of self-centered individual elites, cocooned in their own way, and using the unsuspecting masses as stepping stones to self-glorification? 

Political influence seems to be limited entirely to the affluent, the middle class and the well connected.

The fact is that, times have never been more difficult for communities to meet the challenges they face. The issues have grown increasingly complex. 

Complicated issues such as poverty and tribalism, joblessness and entrenched corruption, unbridled environmental degradation and spiraling cost of energy, food insecurity, crime and injustice now dominate the national and local space. 

Aggravating the situation and further hampering problem-solving efforts are a host of underlying conditions, including elite capture and the knack for using state authority to amass private wealth and foster familial hegemony. 

Dysfunctional politics

This representative democracy of ours is in disrepair as it is driven by dysfunctional politics. Politics goes beyond which candidate wins an election. 

Politics, as defined by Harold Lasswell, is “who gets what, when, how; the shaping and sharing of power.” Therefore, representative democracy, as ours, should be powered by an all-inclusive, equitable political machinery — not nepotism, greed, cronyism and the winner-takes-all glee that we see today. 

Like other dynamics, dysfunctional politics provide citizens with a number of reasons for not being more involved in their communities. People used to believe that politics, in its inviolable definition, mattered; they used to believe that social change could occur through political activity.

However, for many community members, politics has become a mark of mistrust, a leeway for plunder and economic dishonesty.  

Communities are getting fed up with politicians and the political process as trending presently. Yet, they believe politics is not the problem; that it is not a dirty game as being touted. Rather, the problem is the people practising politics; most of them are “dirty” and greedy if not fraudulent. 

In fact, many people seem to be interested in politics strictly for the purpose of self-aggrandisement, not in matters that will make a difference in the lives of their compatriots. 

Ghana, as it is now, is under a subtle, defacto oligarchy. The destiny of the nation is in the hands of a few elites who have plunged Ghana into its lowest depth. Politicians tend to ignore substantive issues when raised outside the political context. 

Community needs, priorities and choices are not identified through the electoral process in sufficient detail for the purposes of planning and budgeting. Currently, while many communities across the country are disempowered, energy is spent on gaining political points rather than evolving a solution that all interests are willing to support and help implement. 

The nation’s dysfunctional polity has created the need for a different model of democracy and comprehensive development.

Paradigm shift

We need a paradigm shift from the present district development model that places a large part of the responsibility for local public policy and programming on the bureaucrat and the elected official, to the citizen: “citizen-led governance”. 

Citizens take center stage in producing and implementing policy; elected officials coordinate the policy process, and the bureaucrats facilitate citizen discourse, offering the knowledge of public practice needed for successful citizen-driven development.

This citizen-led governance model vests state power in the people rather than a small group of elites who enjoy unholy monopoly over the nation and its resources.

Indeed, Ghana’s current situation reflects the assertion of Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson in their book “Why Nations Fail”. They say: “Poor countries are poor because those who have power make choices that create poverty. They get it wrong not by mistake or ignorance but on purpose”. This assertion cannot be far from the truth regarding Ghana’s quandary.

The bottom line is that, Ghana’s democracy is in need of repair. That is why there must be a conscientious effort to vest state power in the people. 

Citizen-led governance is the development of a culture within public administration that views citizens as subjects of change and development partners in their own right, rather than as mere objects of public expenditure and government handouts.
 
The writer is a Development Intelligence Practitioner; 
Executive editor, The Advocate/Director, RUMNET, Tamale. By Kassim Perez, Graphic Online

During this year’s Nane Nane event in Mbeya, the United States government and the United Republic of Tanzania announced USAID’s new food security activity Tuhifadhi Chakula (“Let’s Save Food”), a five-year, $24 million initiative to be implemented by the Tanzania Horticulture Association in partnership with the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT) Center.

By targeting and reducing food loss and waste, the USAID Tuhifadhi Chakula project will increase food security, improve livelihoods, increase employment, and generate export opportunities for Tanzania – especially among women and youth.

In Tanzania, 40-50 percent of crops are lost between the field and the end market. USAID’s Tuhifadhi Chakula project will work with farmers, traders, processors, and other actors in the value chain to cut food loss and waste in half.  The project was designed in collaboration with the Ministry of Agriculture and aligns with its National Post-Harvest Management Strategy.  The project will initially operate in the Arusha, Mbeya, Morogoro, Njombe, Pwani, Tanga, and Zanzibar regions of Tanzania.

“Today, we celebrate Tanzania’s significant strides in the agriculture, livestock, and fisheries sectors,” said USAID/Tanzania Mission Director Craig Hart speaking during the Nane Nane event in Mbeya.“Kilimo ni uti wa mgongo and together with determination and perseverance, we can navigate the pathway to a more promising and sustainable future.”

While in Mbeya, Mission Director Hart visited the sites of several on-going USAID Feed the Future Projects, including Kilimo Tija (“Productive Agriculture”), the Private Sector Strengthening Activity, and Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa activities. Together, these activities are focusing on agriculture-led growth by strengthening the private sector; promoting improved technologies, practices, and inputs; bolstering horticulture, and facilitating value addition.

Recently, Tanzania received a renewed designation as a Feed the Future focus country. During her June visit to the country, USAID Administrator Samantha Power reaffirmed the robust partnership between the United States and Tanzania concerning food security and nutrition, poverty reduction, and agricultural growth. Craig Hart, the newly-appointed USAID/Tanzania Mission Director, also expressed his appreciation for the long-standing and fruitful relationship between USAID and Tanzania during a meeting with the Minister of Agriculture, Hussein Bashe and at the Nane Nane event in Mbeya. By Bob Koigi, African Business Community 

L-R: Former NSSF managing director Richard Byarugaba, Minister of Finance in-charge of General Duties Henry Musasazi and Minister for Gender, Labour and Social Development Betty Amongi during the 10th NSSF Annual Members Meeting in Kampala, Uganda on September 28, 2022. PHOTO | FILE

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